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- <text id=91TT2027>
- <title>
- Sep. 16, 1991: Serbia's Land Grab in Yugoslavia
- </title>
- <history>
- TIME--The Weekly Newsmagazine--1991
- Sep. 16, 1991 Can This Man Save Our Schools?
- </history>
- <article>
- <source>Time Magazine</source>
- <hdr>
- WORLD, Page 40
- YUGOSLAVIA
- Serbia's Land Grab in Yugoslavia
- </hdr><body>
- <p>By James L. Graff/Belgrade--With reporting by William Mader/
- London
- </p>
- <p> The toast was made with orange juice and the greatest
- reluctance. For weeks, Slobodan Milosevic, president of
- Yugoslavia's largest republic, Serbia, had resisted the European
- Community's attempts to engineer a peaceful future for its
- neighboring republic, Croatia. Since Croatia declared
- independence from the Yugoslav federation on June 25, a brutal
- ethnic war has raged in its eastern region. Croatian security
- forces are pitted against rebel Serbian residents of the
- republic who want their homes and fields incorporated into an
- enlarged Serbia.
- </p>
- <p> It has been a rout: with money from Serbia and active
- support from parts of the Serb-dominated federal Yugoslav
- People's Army, the rebels have steadily gained control of the
- roughly one-quarter of Croatian territory where they have a
- strong ethnic presence. Under those conditions, why should
- Milosevic, whose power at home is girded by what most Serbs see
- as a righteous war for Serbian self-determination next door,
- accept a peace forged by foreigners?
- </p>
- <p> To persuade him to do so, E.C. officials began brandishing
- threats of Serbia's total isolation, complete with economic
- sanctions. Last week Milosevic finally followed Croatian
- President Franjo Tudjman's lead and signed on to an E.C. plan
- to monitor a cease-fire and moderate an all-party peace
- conference for war-torn Yugoslavia. Cornered into a toast,
- Milosevic said, "You always have to protect victims, and Serbs
- are victims in this case." Dutch Foreign Minister Hans van den
- Broek, who brokered the agreement on behalf of the Community,
- added an amendment to Milosevic's grudging salute: "All those
- who are being killed are victims; they are all human beings. So
- let's drink to them."
- </p>
- <p> Within hours, the clinking glasses had made way for
- thudding mortars and stuttering machine guns. Every promised
- cease-fire in Yugoslavia unleashes new fury on the battlefields,
- and last week's was no exception. Serb rebels managed to block
- the main road connecting the Croatian capital of Zagreb to the
- besieged region of Slavonia along the Danube River to the east,
- virtually cutting the republic in two. The Yugoslav federal air
- force subjected Osijek, Slavonia's major city, to indiscriminate
- bombing of civilian targets. Said a senior British diplomat in
- London: "This is naked grabbing of all the ground Milosevic can
- get." Against that backdrop, Yugoslav leaders gathered at the
- weekend in the Dutch capital for an E.C.-sponsored conference
- at which they are likely to prove as bellicose as their
- compatriots now fighting on the ground.
- </p>
- <p> There is ample blame to go around in the wearying spiral
- of Yugoslavia's bloody demise, but most Western observers
- believe that Milosevic, 49, deserves the lion's share. Of the
- former communists still in power in Eastern Europe, Milosevic
- is the least reconstructed, presiding over a government and a
- party still largely unpurged, both in terms of ideology and
- personnel, from the bad old days when it enjoyed a power
- monopoly. His regime is a nest of paradoxes. While wielding more
- personal power within his republic than any other Yugoslav
- leader, he faces a stronger opposition press than the leaders
- of Slovenia and Croatia. He foments an aggressive nationalism
- by playing to the Serbs' age-old conviction that they are beset
- by aggressive enemies on all sides.
- </p>
- <p> In his rare talks to the press, Milosevic recalls how the
- Nazi vassal Independent State of Croatia slaughtered hundreds
- of thousands of Serbs during World War II, and insists that
- Serbs are facing a similar threat today. Those memories are
- particularly painful in the Serb-dominated regions of Croatia
- where today's fighting goes on. But sometimes they are harnessed
- to chimeras. Says Serbian Vice President Budimir Kosutic,
- appointed by Milosevic just last month: "The Croatians and the
- Germans behind them want to make a new state in the old borders
- of Austria-Hungary."
- </p>
- <p> The persistence of such fears even in the highest echelons
- of the Serbian government hardly bodes well for peace talks.
- Croatian President Tudjman, as strident a nationalist as
- Milosevic, has done little to allay them. Had Tudjman made even
- perfunctory mention of his republic's 600,000 Serbs--some 12%
- of the population--in the Croatian constitution adopted last
- December, perhaps the conflict would not have grown as violent
- as it has.
- </p>
- <p> For his part, Milosevic claims merely to be toiling to
- preserve what he can of the old Yugoslavia. He can accept the
- departure of Slovenia, whose declaration of independence
- engendered a shorter military conflict early this summer; even
- Croatia can leave, yet only within reduced borders now being
- carved out by the Serb rebels. But on a continent with other
- untested borders, changing existing ones by force cannot be
- sanctioned. That is the nasty precedent that the European
- Community, to the extent that it can control anything in a
- conflict fueled by apparently boundless ethnic hatred, is
- determined to prevent.
- </p>
-
- </body></article>
- </text>
-
-